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February 9, 2018 at 3:24:00 PM MST
Vatic Note: This article shows just how far down we have come with the increase in Satanism within our society and culture. If we do not have a counter influence pretty doggone quick, I would not want to see what our world will come to and I would be old enough to avoid seeing it in my lifetime.
How did we get here??? I see young people with skulls on their clothing and tatooed on their bodies. My goodness, what happened to good taste and beauty? This is going way beyond rebellion as a statement, its bordering on a "way of life". Can you imagine? Death as a way of life!!!
This article points the blame to the people who have promoted this, and also tells us what is going on behind it all. I think there is slightly more to it than just the obvious that the author of this article points to below.. In fact, I believe the powers that be want us in a death culture to make us better killers and desensitized to what we are told to do, or at least our soldiers in war.
[Image]
“To Die For” : A Study on the Disturbing Culture of Death in the Fashion World
By
VC
on
January 25, 2016
Latest NewsAn article submitted to the peer reviewed Scan
Journal of Macquarie University takes a deeper look at the culture of
death prevalent in the fashion world and studies “corpse chick” – the
disturbing trend of posing models as glamorous corpses.
If you’ve been reading the Symbolic Pics of the Month
series on this site, you are probably aware of the culture of death
prevalent in the fashion world where death, violence and dehumanization
are glamorized in photoshoots. This trend has been going on for
years and is so disturbing that it caused outrage at numerous occasions.
The prevalence of death culture in fashion is so noticeable that it became the subject of an article in the peer-reviewed Scan Magazine of Macquarie University, a journal that analyzes media, arts an culture.
Here is the article in its integrity, complete with references. It is
a perfect in-depth complement to the material that has been exposed on
Vigilant Citizen for years.
To Die For: Skull Style and Corpse Chic in Fashion Design, Imagery, and Branding
By Jacque Lynn Foltyn
Introduction
Is fashion something to die for? If one examines the content of
fashion magazines, websites, videos, blogs, and fashion itself, the
answer is a resounding “yes”. Death is a fashion star, used to sell
clothing, accessories, brands, celebrity, magazines, style-based
television programming and websites, and cross-media collaborative
efforts.
From Alexander McQueen and Ralph Lauren to Target and H&M,
skulls, crossbones, and skeleton motifs have taken over fashion. Death
is the darling of not only the fashion set but also of the masses – and
their dogs, who wear skull bedecked cardigans and collars and lounge on
skeleton embossed beds. In mainstream fashion and lifestyle magazines,
models, actors, stylists, and socialites not only model skull style,
they model ‘death’ itself, in gruesome pantomimes of murder, suicide,
and eco-disaster.
These “corpse chic” (Foltyn, 2008b, 2009) narratives
are ‘ripped from the headlines’, but are also inspired by literature,
music, cinema, and true-crime television genres; they are the basis for
photos shoots for the reality TV program America’s Top Model.
In the twenty-first century, and in more ways than one, fashion, to
paraphrase Karl Lagerfeld, is not only “ephemeral” and “unfair”; it is
“dangerous” (2006).
This article explores the fashioning of death as a mainstream
advertising strategy, branding ploy, artistic expression and style
trend, and examines its continuity with other representations of death,
past and present. Since fashion is about 1. consumption and conformity
(Veblen 1902; Simmel 1957); 2. reflects the preoccupations of contemporary
culture; 3. can be linked to specific historical and political contexts
(Kaiser 1990); and 4. speaks to the characteristics of modern culture
itself (Blumer 1969; Baudrillard 1998; Evans 2003), it is argued here
that skull style and corpse chic reveal current attitudes about not just
contemporary society but about celebrity, beauty, fashion, and death.
In turn, this article considers the following questions: Why is death a
fashion star? Why are the fashion-obsessed, death-obsessed? Why are
beautiful models and actors posing as cadavers? What does the popularity
of skull style and corpse chic say about who we are? What does this
trend of viewing and wearing death as a fashion statement say about our
relation to the Grim Reaper? Finally, how can we reconcile living in a
culture in which death is, on the one hand, denied (Becker 1973) and
hidden away (Walter 1991), while on the other is a constant grisly
presence in our information culture and entertainment society – even
something that we wear?
To answer these questions, this article first considers examples,
influences, and precursors of skull style and corpse chic, collected
through historical research and qualitative methodologies (observation,
interviews, content analysis, and visual sociology); and then moves on
to a discussion of the larger socio-cultural significance of this
deathly fashion trend.
Designing Death: Skull Style
In February 2010, Le Bel Age Boutique, a fashion store in
San Diego, had an unusual window display: bone models (see Figure 1). “I
call them ‘couture skeletons'”, said Valerie Lee Ferrari, the store’s
proprietor. Ferrari explained that while her initial motivation in
creating the plastic skeletons had been to celebrate Halloween, she had
been influenced by the gothic movement and wanted to create a mannequin
with “an edge”.
Noting that the fan base for the couture skeletons had
become so large that she was now manufacturing and selling them, Ferrari
remarked: “I display them as a kind of “puppet theatre. They take on a
life of their own. People ‘get’ them or not”. She drolly added, “Death
as a style influence is very much in the air” (Interview February 3,
2010).
[Image] Figure 1: Couture skeletons, San Diego
The year-round popularity of Ferrari’s couture skeletons is a sign of
the contemporary importance of death as a design motif and creative
feature of fashion media and marketing. The human skeleton has arrived
in the mainstream world of fashion and is no longer a rare artistic
expression.
This was not the case in November 1995, when The New Yorker published
Richard Avedon’s ‘In Memory of the Late Mr. and Mrs. Comfort’ (see
Figure 2). A ghoulish, strangely beautiful marriage of fashion, art,
commerce, and death, Avedon’s ‘ode’ featured supermodel Nadja Auermann
and a male skeleton partner, dressed in designer fashions, and in a
cinema-style narrative. It had scenes of courtship and of the couple
copulating, arguing, sitting on toilets, and playing with a cadaver
baby.
[Image] Figure 2: Richard Avedon, The New Yorker
Now, Avedon’s use of skeletons as fashion models has worked its way
not only into a San Diego boutique but a Spring/Summer advertising
campaign for Alexander McQueen’s ‘Eyes’ (sunglasses), inspired by artist
Damien Hirst (see Figure 3). In the June 2010 issue of W
magazine, readers were confronted with a grinning human skull, with
silver metal-coated teeth, wearing sunglasses, against a backdrop of
pink, red, and white flowers.
[Image] Figure 3: Alexander McQueen, ‘Eyes’
‘Fashion-y’ skull style is one of the most prominent emblems in
contemporary fashion, and so commonplace as to have lost any shock
value. The phrase ‘in fashion’ summarises an important but downplayed
aspect of social life: the pull towards others (connection) and the push
toward the new (Hemphill and Suk 2009).
As a sign of both consumption
as well as conformity, babies, children, and pets wear skull style, as
well as ‘wholesome’ starlets like Jessica Alba. It is a design aesthetic
for jewellery, clothing, accessories, baby slings and diaper bags, and
is sold at high end and low end retail venues. Even Ralph Lauren, whose
preppy ‘to-the-manor-born’ aesthetic seems far removed from death, has
embraced the skull as a fashion muse.
In 2010, Lauren sold
skull-decorated pyjamas, slippers, bedding, wallets, ties, puppy collars
and cardigans, and barware festooned with skeletons. Stylish jewellery
is now fashioned from human bones, both real and simulated. While human
bones, ashes, and hair have been worn as trophies, religious relics,
objects of mourning, and memento mori (both historically and
cross-culturally), today bone jewellery sits within the sphere of modern
consumer society (Barratt 2005).
In the contemporary world of style, death is worn as a prop in the
performance of fashion. Following Erving Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical
sociology and Judith Butler’s (1990) ‘performative’ arguments about the
construction of identity, Valerie Steele, editor of Fashion Theory,
commonly frames fashion as a staged performance.
The presentation of
self can be viewed as a series of theatrical acts, with the realisation
of these presentations consisting of a front stage, where the actual act
is presented for the audience, and a backstage, where the act is
prepared, complete with a script, rehearsals, cosmetics, masks, and
costumes. From whence did this wearing of death as part of the
performance of the contemporary self emerge?
Keith Richards was wearing skull style decades before dogs and
babies. The most irascible Rolling Stone, the iconic Richards is one of
many rock stars who have shaped death as a fashion statement (see Figure
3). Richards, whose ironically named memoir Life (2010)
reveals brushes with death through drug use, accident, and a debauched
‘devil-may-care’ lifestyle, has been wearing a widely imitated skull
ring, created for him by David Courts and Bill Hackett, since 1978.
Aware of his public image as a raging outlaw, ‘Prince of Darkness’, and
seemingly indestructible dodger of death, Richards confesses that he has
felt obligated to live up to this “necromantic” image. He writes: “I
can’t untie the threads of how much I played up to the part that was
written for me. I wear the skull ring” (2010: 364). Noting the “people
love that image,” Richards believes they identify with the “raging Keith
Richards” – so his typically middle aged, middle-class fans send him
skulls “by the truckload” (2010: 365).
The bony remains of human beings have complex histories not only as
memento mori in religious iconography but also as logos for street
gangs, motorcycle clubs, and other outcast (often criminal) groups. The
cult-like followers of The Grateful Dead call themselves Deadheads, and
the punk and gothic movements have embraced the skull as a symbol.
Such
deathly images remain confrontational style statements when worn by
members of subcultures to suggest, symbolise, or signal ‘outlaw’ status
such as Richards’s, and alienation from, disaffection with, and
rebellion against conventional culture. Among fashion’s many social
functions is the expression of uniqueness and social deviation for
cultural outsiders searching for ways to differentiate themselves from
so-called ‘normal’ society (Simmel 1957).
Fashion reflects symbolic
meanings and social ideals (Barthes 1983) and designers search for new
looks not only among elites (Veblen 1902) but on the street, and among
members of subcultures, and marginalised and decadent individuals who
are determined to make themselves appear distinctive (Simmel 1957).
Fashion designers, editors, and photographers frequently respond
positively to rule breakers, the counterintuitive, and the ‘out of the
ordinary’ – and often think of themselves as such: what could be more
confrontational and indeed provocative than the ‘wearing’ and staging of
death?
Skulls and skeletons have rich cultural histories and symbolic
meanings that provide them with other sources of deathly allure.
Associated with Halloween, they were worn by the living in autumnal
religious rituals (the Celtic Samhain and the Christian All Hallows Day)
to disguise the self and scare away ghouls on days when they were
thought to roam the earth (Rogers 2002).
Death heads figure in military
insignia and are worn by warriors as memento mori, to protect them from
death, and to proclaim their status as violent, frightening dealers of
death. The Death Head was a symbol of one branch of the Nazi SS. Hussar
military uniforms, with their horizontal gold braids, gold chain loops,
and decorative frogging that stretch across the chest, evoke the
skeleton, and have been a prominent feature of the rock military style
(Langkjaer 2010) and surface as popular style statements.
The bony
remains of human beings are props in pirate, vampire, and CSI themed
films, television shows and video games, and figure in the tie-in
merchandise worn by fans of these genres, such as the Pirates of the Caribbean skull and cross-bone T-shirts.
It’s not surprising that skulls and skeletons were objects of
fascination for Alexander McQueen, a designer known to be interested in
the more macabre aspects of popular culture and with outsider
subcultures. McQueen’s designs nod to pirates, witches, warriors, and
predators and their prey; and he staged catwalk extravaganzas oriented
around Jack the Ripper and the 1969 film They Shoot Horses, Don’t They?,
about a deadly dance marathon. Arguably the designer most associated
with skull style and runway props, McQueen wove skulls into clothing and
scarves; fastened death head charms to ankle boots; exhibited an
aluminium rib cage corset cast from an actual human skeleton; and had
runway models carry giant skulls and bones, drag skeletons from their
feet, and wear masks that made them look like death heads.
There are
McQueen skull cuffs, bracelets, bangles, charms, earrings, rings, and
tongue jewellery. The commercial value of the death head is such that
Winged Death, one of McQueen’s most famous iterations of the skull, has
become the subject of a trademark infringement suit filed by the Hell’s
Angels Motorcycle Club (Alexander 2010). The fact that McQueen hung
himself in February 2010 speaks to the performative role of death in his
life, while those who knew McQueen well enough to write personal
obituaries have noted not only a depressed state but also his obsession
with death.
On February 1, McQueen’s Twitter messages showed both a
troubled state of mind as well as a revealing statement about his
creative process: “From heaven to hell and back again, life is a funny
thing. beauty [sic]can come from the most strangest of places even the
most disgusting places” [sic](Collins 2010). McQueen’s ‘genius’ and
theatre of the macabre made him a favourite among fashion journalists
and helped move skull style from the periphery to the centre of fashion.
There are periods when fashion embraces melancholy subjects
(Lipovetsky 1993). In the 1990s, McQueen was one of many young
conceptual, deconstructionist, ‘post-fashion’ designers (Vinken 2005:
35) whose work was “at the edge commercially,” focused on dark themes,
and valued fashion primarily for its symbolic possibilities (Evans 2003:
5; Steele and Park 2009).
Fashion can provide a window and commentary
on social change (Veblen 1902; Simmel 1957; Crane 2000), and
experimental designers such as McQueen, Martin Margiela, Hussein
Chalayan, and Viktor & Rolf infused their designs with macabre
imagery in response to social, economic, ecological, technological, and
political changes that have created alienation, the distressed body,
war, terror, violence, forced migration and a fear of instability,
change, and death (Evan 2003).
Some of those who wear skull style are no
doubt responding to the tenor of our times, while others identify with
the outsider, ‘dodger-of-death’ symbolism of Keith Richards. Others wear
it as a memento mori, while others like Carlos wear the style more
‘lightly’, to project a slightly edgy look. Then there are those who
seem impervious to the cultural meanings of the imagery; for them skull
style has been drained of its symbolism and is worn simply for it
trendiness, a response to the unthinking consumerism that Adorno (2002)
argued modern capitalism engenders.
Regardless of the reasons for
wearing skull style, slavishly following trends is a prominent feature
of affluent consumer societies (Baudrillard 1998, Lipovetsky 1993), and
designers, editors, and marketers have now recognised consumer
attraction to death.
Death by Fashion: Corpse Chic
In the mainstream fashion performance of death, ‘corpse chic’
represents a different kind of dead body narrative, in which supermodels
and celebrities pose as cadavers. Corpse chic styles death with the
flesh of the living rather than the bones of a skeleton and glamorises
the freshly or decomposing ‘dead’ body, transforming the alluring living
body into an alluring ‘dead’ one.
Such imagery draws attention to its
creators’ artistry, of course, and to the fashion site where the image
is featured, but its goal is to sell the fashions modelled by the
‘corpse’. The assumption that a ‘dead’ body can now be an engaging
fashion model is a perceptive one, as the viewer’s attention is grabbed
at a time when actual and simulated death images have become a pervasive
part of modern entertainment.
There is interplay with the real death
shown in the news, the simulated deaths of popular culture, and the
contrived images of death currently seen in fashion, a theme that will
be developed in more detail shortly.
For thousands of years death has been performed in theatre and dance,
as cultural reflection and expression. It then appeared in photography,
film, television, videogames and, more recently, fashion. Corpse chic
imagery is commonly appropriated from amorous death scenes from
literature, mythology, and art. Shakespeare’s suicides are a source of
inspiration, for example, the Romeo & Juliet themed ‘Love of a Life Time’, by Annie Leibovitz for Vogue (December 2008). Here, the doomed lovers lie ‘dead,’ arms entwined – modelling McQueen.
[Image] Figure 5: Annie Leibovitz, Vogue 2008
In the 2010 Pirelli Calendar, Terry Richardson’s photograph of model Lily Cole as a modern-day Ophelia (from Hamlet) also pays homage to Shakespeare.
[Image] Figure 6: Lily Cole as Ophelia
However it is the victim of violent crime, rather than the romantic
suicide, that is most common in the performance of corpse chic. This
model has typically suffered a heinous ‘death’ at the hands of a
murderer, serial killer, sexual sadist, paedophile, animal, or even
demented toy (Foltyn 2009). Consider the themes and images of four
corpse chic pictorials published in W magazine between 2007 and 2009.
‘Honeymoon Hotel’, from July 2009, stars the nude or semi-nude actor
Bruce Willis and his wife Emma, performing torture, dying, and death in a
macabre sado-masochistic themed pantomime, photographed by Steven Klein
and styled by Camilla Nickerson. Willis appears with spouse model Keiko
and designers (including Michael Kors) in a series of images that
involves masks, whips, metal fingernails, death heads, and an emergency
vehicle.
[Image] Bruce and Emma Willis in W Magazine.
In ‘Pinup’, from March 2008, one image features top model Lara Stone
lying on a clear plastic coated bed, legs parted wide, eyes staring
upwards vacantly. She is dressed in a pink Bottega Veneta tulle bustier
and a Roberto Cavalli pink rooster vest: a fetishist’s fantasy.
Set in a
seedy motel, and photographed by Mert & Marcus, Stone’s body is
foreshortened so that the viewer looks up her dress. The editorial copy
of this shoot describes the models as “girls gone wild…in some rather
compromising positions”, but there is no mention that the two models
have been styled to appear dead.
[Image] “Pin Up”, W Magazine, 2008
Perhaps the most disturbing tableaux from W is ‘Into the
Woods’, from August 2007; this was also photographed by Mert &
Marcus, and styled by Alex White. Dressed in various furs, Dutch
supermodel Doutzen Kroes poses with stuffed toy animals that caress and
menace her; in some images, she appears a cadaver-white, thumb-sucking
child, who has been ravished by either the soft plush toys or an
out-of-view paedophile. There is an implicit connection here to a sexual
subculture called the ‘furries’, in which people dress up in animal
costumes to have sex (Foltyn 2009).
[Image] ‘Into the Woods’, 2007 [Image] Ibid.
Corpse chic imagery such as these moves beyond the sensual to more
dubious territory, a subdivision of dead body imagery I call “corpse
porn” (Foltyn 2008b). Corpse porn highlights the simulated dead body’s
sexuality in ways that go beyond the erotic; its themes are the
vulnerability, debasement, decomposition, and sexuality of the
un-mourned corpse, which it transforms in theatrical ways to titillate
viewers with glimpse of sexual fetishes and perverse sexual subcultures.
On the other hand, serious social issues are occasionally addressed
by corpse chic. Inspired by the recent oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico,
in August 2010 Italian Vogue staged model Kristin McMenamy as
an oil soaked feathered sea creature, washed ashore, surviving (dressed
in Ralph Lauren Collection), dying (spitting out oil) or dead, dressed
in torn black nets. The story – ‘Water and Oil’ – was covered across the
media, in ‘hard’ news, fashion websites, and the blogosphere.
As the
magazine’s editor Franca Sozzani explained: “in the face of this
dramatic, catastrophic stalling, the images of Steven Meisel make up a
precious reportage that delivers an artistic impact. Unforgettable
images, created purposely to unnerve the viewer, capture the reality of
the situation.”
[Image] “Water Oil”, Vogue Italia, 2010
For the September 2010 issue of Harper’s Bazaar, celebrity
stylist (and now celebrity) Rachel Zoe appears in a campy performance of
corpse chic. The tongue-in-cheek, Hitchcock-style piece ‘Rachel Zoe: I
Die’ has Zoe ‘killed’ by some of her favourite designers.
She is buried
alive in clothes by Michael Kors; Marc Jacobs shocks her with a
hairdryer; and shoe designer Brian Atwood nails her with a stiletto. The
layout is unusual for its frivolity and ironic, exaggerated
sensibility, hallmarks of the camp performance (Sontag 1964). As a
commentary on Zoe, it mocks her favourite expression (‘I die’), but also
points to the increasing banality of corpse chic imagery.
[Image] “I Die”, Harper’s Bazaar, 2010
Campy or serious, corpse chic imagery is a subcategory of a long
tradition of the beautiful dead body in art. Sculptors, painters,
photographers, filmmakers, video gamers, webmasters, and pornographers
have used their imaginative minds to create ‘dead sexy’ looks to
instruct, entertain, excite, scandalise and horrify (Foltyn 1996).
Representations of dead beauties are an enduring theme in western art
and pop culture, from the eroticised ‘dead’ bodies of Greco-Roman
warriors to the crucified Christ; the surrealist images of Dada,
Magritte, Bunuel, and Visconti; the photographs of Man Ray, Edward
Westin, and Weegee; and the vampires of the Twilight trilogy.
Today’s corpse chic imagery is indebted to the avant-garde and
subversive fashion photographer Guy Bourdin, whose images of gorgeous
‘dead’ women (between the 1960s and 1980s) were embraced by clients
known for their edgy aesthetics (Drake 2006) (See images athttp://www.guybourdin.org/under the Vogue
caption).
Corpse chic is indebted to film noir, b-grade movies, and
television dramas, current affairs, and reality programming that focuses
on violent crime and forensics (Foltyn 2009); as well as to
contemporary art photographers such as Izimar Kaori and Melanie Pullen,
whose installations merge high fashion, crime, and death. Pullen’s
models, for instance, wear high fashion and are arranged in positions
based on actual NYPD and LAPD crime scene files, photojournalism,
cinema, and television.
As the ‘supermodel’ sex that is most sexualised and most associated
with beauty and fashion, it was inevitable that most corpse chic would
star women. In the history of art, young beautiful females have often
been paired with skulls and mirrors to warn of the perils of vanity and
the brevity of life, and have been associated with disease, death, and
decay (Dijkstra 1983). Simone de Beauvoir (1974) and Mary Douglas (1966)
claim that existential conditions have caused human beings to place
woman closer to not only sex, birth, and dirt, but to beauty and death.
Images of dead female beauties are a staple of contemporary visual
culture (Britto et al 1997; Hughes 2006); indeed, the beautiful female
murder victim has been a regular feature of newspapers since the early
twentieth century (Cohen 1997). Today, the violent death or murder of
any pretty (usually white) female can make an instant celebrity of a
previously unknown individual (Foltyn 2005). Forensic science has
supplied new ways to explore her demise in modern media culture (Foltyn
2008b).
Mad Men, Desperate Housewives, and The Sopranos have all inspired fashion layouts in the era of media convergence, so why not CSI? It
is a complex feat to grab the attention of sophisticated consumers who
‘buy’ fashion as an expression of self and who are bombarded with all
matter of advertising messages, and ‘dead’ women remain successful
‘hooks.’ Fashion editors and advertisers ply consumers’ psyches with
seductively unsettling death imagery and by linking objects not
typically seen together, for example, a cadaver and a handbag.
Cultural critics have explored the connection between woman, beauty,
and death. Bronfen (1992) argues that beauty, like death, has a quality
of stillness. A photo of a supermodel can be viewed as a work of art, is
statue-like, and be regarded as a still life (nature morte), that is,
dead.
In The Mechanical Bride, Marshall McLuhan wrote of modern
capitalism’s assembly-line production of the ‘lifeless’ beauty: the
showgirl, Hollywood glamour queen, and woman as cultural commodity and
spectacle (McLuhan 2002). Symbolising the modern loss of individuality,
conceptual designers such as Margiela, Chalayan, and McQueen have
experimented with the idea of the female model as a doll-like generic
commodity, and presented catwalk models as dummies, automatons, cyborgs,
androids, and dead – to negate fashion’s emphasis on idealised bodies
(Evans 2003).
The word ‘model’ is a synonym for mock-up, replica,
reproduction, and pattern: a simulacrum rather than ‘the real thing.’ In
his essay on the uncanny, Freud (1955) argued that people develop
lifeless doubles for positive, if delusional reasons, as a defence
against annihilation and death. In the fashion world, the generic runway
model is evocative of memento mori and can be viewed as a dead woman
walking.
Since representations of death can be alluring and revolting, evoking
a perplexing mix of fear, disgust, and desire (Freud 1952; Lacan 1992),
it figures that those in the fashion world would fasten onto this
provocative mix. Death, like beauty, attracts and repulses us, inspiring
cultural awe, but also ambivalence, anger, and anxiety, so much so that
beautiful victims have been offered as sacrifices in various cultural
contexts (Foltyn 1996).
When supermodels and film stars pose as chic
corpses for today’s fashion media (such as Gwyneth Paltrow in W, August 2007; Kate Hudson in WSeptember,
2008), we can visualise what they might look like dead (Foltyn 2009).
Is there a collective fantasy to see icons of beauty dead? An MGM
executive thought so, noting that studio heads repeatedly cast Greta
Garbo as a victim because the public liked to see her die (Paris 2005).
Understanding this fascination with bringing the beautiful down to size
through death, Lady Gaga, one of the most daring cross-media and fashion
influences in contemporary pop culture, told Vanity Fair that she staged her own death in the Paparazzi video as a way of taking “something not fashion at all and [making]it fashion.”
I had this incredible fascination with how people love watching
celebrities fall apart, or when celebrities die; I wanted to know, what
did they look like when they died? Marilyn Monroe, Princess Diana,
JonBenet Ramsey…I think about all these dead girls, these blonde, dead
icons….So then I thought, ‘Well maybe if I show what I look like when I
die, people won’t wonder. Maybe that’s what I want people to think I’ll
look like when I die (Robinson 2010: 330).
What Gaga doesn’t mention though are the sexualised corpses of these
dead beauties, a facet of contemporary dead beauty imagery that is
staged for public amusement and aesthetic enjoyment, and covered as an
infotainment phenomenon (Foltyn 2008b). Gorer (1955) argued that
historically death and sex exchange positions as forbidden subjects.
In
the last decades of the twentieth century, we became accustomed to
viewing overtly sexualised images of beautiful people in various pop
cultural venues, including fashion. But as images of the sexual body
became part of the public conversation, the corpse body remained
socially acceptable only in more limited forums. In societies
oversaturated with sex, death has become “the new sex” (Foltyn 2005:
29-30), the corpse and its simulated versions is the new fetishised body
to be voyeuristically explored.
The novelty of corpse chic is that it
combines both culturally forbidden bodies, violating long held taboos
about both death and sex. Just as with the popular CSI
television franchise, where the sexualised ‘cadavers’ of young beauties
are part of the visual formula, corpse chic representations amplify
opportunities for voyeuristic exploration of the gorgeous dead body.
Refashioning Death
Skull style and corpse chic mine an evocative place where endings,
beginnings, sex, beauty, death, fashion, and consumption meet. Fashion
imagery and fashion itself – with its ‘birth’ and ‘death’ cycles,
trends, and nostalgia – is by its very logic associated with dying and
death. In his work about passages, Walter Benjamin observed that
“fashion was never anything but the parody of the gaily decked-out
corpse” (quoted in Bruno 2002: 147).
For Benjamin, fashion plays a role
in the human struggle against decay, by offering “sex appeal to the
inorganic” (Bruno 2002: 147). Objects such as clothes, accessories, and
mannequins, in Benjamin’s view, lure the living to “the realm of dead
things.” In the nineteenth century, Marx was critical of the vagaries of
fashion, blaming it for unpredictable garment and textile markets that
impoverished common workers and created exploitative, dangerous work
conditions that could kill them (Ross 1997), a critique that remains
valid for some workers in today’s globalised fashion industrial complex.
The very language of fashion culture is connected with death, beyond
the “I die” of Rachel Zoe. Models are ‘shot’ by photographers and are
featured in ‘shoots.’ People who dress fashionably are said to be
‘dressed to kill’ or to have ‘killed a look’, while particular items of
fashion are ‘to die for’.
Beauty, one of fashion’s most important aesthetics, is also aligned
with death. Freud (1957) claimed that beauty and death share a “hidden
identity” and that beauty’s ephemeral nature augurs the transience of
life, foreshadows bereavement, articulates a human attraction to death,
and can be viewed as an aesthetic substitution for it.
For Freud , “the
goal of all life is death” (1952: 652). Similarly, Lacan maintained that
a function of beauty is to present death as a “dazzling’ sight” (1992:
62), attracting us to our own demises. “For”, as poet Rainer Maria Rilke
writes, “beauty is nothing but the beginning of terror we can just
barely endure, and we admire it so because it calmly disdains to destroy
us” (1992).
While death as a theme was once at the periphery of the style world,
explored by avant garde photographers and by experimental fashion
designers who staged and designed it to call attention to
socio-political problems, it is now at its center. In Fashion at the Edge (2003),
Caroline Evans posits that imagery of “death, decay and dereliction”
from the 1990s stands for mutability “[rather]than for mortality” and is
more about the “change, instability, and uncertainty” that came with
“rapid technological and social transition than with death itself”
(2003: 10-11). While Evans’ analysis is useful and extremely
well-documented, it is now 2010 and more than ever, death as a fashion
aesthetic is about death itself.
Since fashion designs and imagery are consumed, and fashion is about
what’s ‘hot’ and registers the pulse of contemporary culture, the fact
that deathly styles and images are mainstream style trends tells us
something important about what is happening now. That is, a resurfacing
of an interest in death itself. It is no accident that this ‘to die for’
trend coincides with the larger cultural fascination with forensic
images of the corpse, both real and contrived, and interest in
information about the dead bodies of celebrities and victims of war,
terror, disasters, and corpse abuse scandals, all of which are beamed
directly into our houses.
While some find this trend appalling, others
respond positively to this macabre imagery. The debate about the effects
of violence and death as themes of popular culture is probably as old
as the images that have been produced. Research has found that the
violence seen on television evokes a variety of responses from viewers,
from fear, acceptance, antisocial behaviour, the craving for more
violent imagery, and desensitisation (Cantor 2000). Whether telling ‘an
important story’ or commercially exploiting lurid public appetites for
such imagery, representations of human remains have become major
infotainment commodities and US exports (Foltyn 2008a).
Information
about the processes of dying, death, decomposition, and bereavement make
bestseller lists and have also brought dying, death, and the corpse to
the fore (for example, Mary Roach’s Stiff: The Curious Lives of Human Cadavers 2003; Joan Didion’s The Year of Magical Thinking 2005)
(Foltyn 2008a, 2008b). So strong is the desire to see ‘real’ death that
a plethora of websites devoted to dubiously acquired images of the dead
and autopsied bodies of the famous have sprung up (such as eBaum’s
World Famous Corpse gallery, at
http://www.ebaumsworld.com/pictures/view/80709927/).
Death, as the boutique owner Valerie Ferrari observed, is “very much
in the air”. Perhaps fashion imagery and styles are tapping into what
Lacan (1992) called the collective fascination with death, allowing it
to resurface from a historical graveyard where it had been buried as
incompatible with the optimistic mood of modern capitalism (Aries 1974;
Gorer 1955). Since fashion reflects the social zeitgeist, the emergence
of a death-oriented style tells us something about our changing
attitudes towards dying and death in postmodern societies where our
relation to death is disjointed and is being redefined.
Perhaps deathly
fashion imagery is another example of how death, to paraphrase McIlwaine
(2005) ‘has gone pop’: fashion’s skull style and corpse chic imagery
helps bring death ‘out of the closet’, and reverses the historical
changes that, over the past century, made it something to hide and
disguise (Foltyn 1996).
The refashioning of fashion to include skull style and corpse chic
reveals the underbelly of a culture progressively preoccupied with
death, and with a paradoxical orientation toward the Grim Reaper. On the
one hand, we entertain ourselves with death, peruse its imagery in
fashion venues, and wear its symbols. On the other hand, we live in a
period when death has receded from everyday life, is viewed as the
‘failure of a cure’ in affluent modern societies where it’s expected
that one will live to be old (Aries 1974).
Longevity is greater, infant
and maternal mortality is lower, and people tend to die ‘invisibly’ in
hospitals or hospices rather than at home. Many people have never see an
actual corpsein person, including those of their deceased
loved ones, preferring to celebrate their lives in memorial services,
with no cadaver, casket, or urn present. Ours is an era in which many of
have seen portents of our future skeletonised remains, through x-ray
scans that reveal the interior of our bodies (Sawday 1995), and yet we
are unclear about what happens to our ‘self,’ post-mortem, a source of
very real fear in modern secular societies.
While we are increasingly
members of what Bogard (2008) called “the empire of the living dead”,
where biomedical, genomic, and cloning technologies have made the
divisions between the living and the dead more fluid, the fact is that
modern medicine has not defeated death. Perhaps we look at images of
death and wear its symbols as futile attempts to confront, ward off, and
master death. Or perhaps our psyches crave acknowledgement of the
reality of death, even as our society does not sufficiently acknowledge
that each of us will die.
In corpse chic, the ‘most beautiful’ among us –
supermodels and celebrities – ‘die’, that is, model death for the rest
of us, and serve notice that death is indeed the great leveller. Perhaps
the ‘stillness’ of death (Bronfen 1992), seen in corpse chic and worn
in skull style, is something that members of our frenetic time-poor
culture seek. A multiplicity of explanations is necessary to understand
the emergence in mass culture of these deathly fashion trends, as
subcategories of the larger cultural intoxication with death, and to
explain why we are attracted to, revolted by, and ambivalent toward it.
Even the world of fashion registers this ambivalence. How else can we
explain why death remains fashionable in the world of style, even as it
claims its deeply mourned icons, muses, and stars through disease (Yves
Saint Laurent, Herb Ritts, Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, Audrey Hepburn);
old age (Francesco Scavullo, Irving Penn); or violence (Gianni Versace,
Alexander McQueen, Princess Diana, John F. Kennedy, Jr., Carolyn
Bessette-Kennedy and Isabella Blow)?
Do skull style and corpse chic matter in the larger scheme of human
life? Well, yes. To a degree, everyone is a consumer of fashion, one of
the most imaginative, productive industries in the global economy; in
the US alone, apparel and accessories are responsible for several
hundred billions of dollars per annum in sales, more than those for
films, books, and music, combined (Hemphill and Suk 2009).
Fashion is
not only a business; it is a feature of popular culture. Fashion’s
thematic content is important for understanding larger trends in mass
society and who we are. The fashion world has merged with a globalised
death culture and made skulls, skeletons, and simulated corpses chic.
But as we naively wear or gaze upon these often beautiful spectacles of
death, we may forget that one day death will come for us too, and its
arrival won’t be a style statement.
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"“To Die For” : A Study on the Disturbing Culture of Death in the Fashion World"
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